The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a proposed regional
regulatory and investment treaty. As of 2014, twelve countries throughout the
Asia-Pacific region have participated in negotiations on the TPP: Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States, and Vietnam.
The
proposed agreement began in 2005 as the Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership
Agreement (TPSEP or P4). Participating countries set the goal of wrapping up
negotiations in 2012, but contentious issues such as agriculture, intellectual
property, and services and investments have caused negotiations to continue
into the present, with the last
round meeting in Ottawa from 3–12 July 2014. Implementation of the TPP is one of
the primary goals of the trade agenda of the Obama
administration in the United
States of America.
On 12
November 2011, the nine Trans-Pacific Partnership countries announced that the
TPP intended to "enhance trade and investment among the TPP partner
countries, to promote innovation, economic growth and development, and to
support the creation and retention of jobs. Some global health professionals, internet freedom activists, environmentalists,
organised labour, advocacy groups, and elected officials have criticised and
protested the negotiations, in large part because of the proceedings' secrecy,
the agreement's expansive scope, and controversial clauses in drafts leaked to
the public.
Membership
and accession
The negotiations, launched in 2002, initially included three
countries (Chile, New Zealand and Singapore) and went by the name of Pacific
Three Closer Economic Partnership (P3 CEP). Brunei subsequently joined the
agreement before its final round of negotiations in 2005. Subsequently, the
agreement was renamed to TPSEP (Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership
agreement). The original TPSEP agreement, signed in July/August 2005, contains
an accession clause and affirms the members' "commitment to encourage the
accession to this Agreement by other economies".
In January 2008, the US agreed to enter into talks with the
Pacific 4 (P4) members regarding trade liberalisation in financial services. On 22 September
2008, US Trade Representative Susan C. Schwab announced that the
US would begin negotiations with the P4 countries to join the TPP, with the first round of talks in early 2009.
In November 2008, Australia, Vietnam, and Peru announced that they would join the P4
trade bloc. In October 2010, Malaysia announced that it had also joined the TPP
negotiations.
In 2010, Canada had become an observer in the TPP talks, and
expressed interest in officially joining, but was not committed to join,
purportedly because the US and New Zealand blocked it due to concerns over
Canadian agricultural policy (i.e. supply management)—specifically
dairy—and intellectual property-rights protection. Several pro-business
and internationalist Canadian media outlets raised concerns about this as a
missed opportunity. In a
feature in the Financial Post, former Canadian trade-negotiator
Peter Clark claimed that the US Obama Administration had
strategically outmaneuvered the Canadian Harper Government. Wendy Dobson
and Diana Kuzmanovic for The School of Public Policy, University of Calgary,
argued for the economic necessity of the TPP to Canada. Embassy warned
that Canada's position in APEC could be compromised by being excluded from both
the US-oriented TPP and the proposed China-oriented ASEAN +3 trade
agreement (or the broader Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East
Asia).
In June 2012, Canada and Mexico announced that they were joining
the TPP negotiations. Mexico's interest in joining was initially met with
concern among TPP negotiators about its customs policies.
Canada and Mexico formally became TPP negotiating participants
in October 2012, following completion of the domestic consultation periods of
the other nine members.
Japan officially joined the TPP negotiations on 23 July 2013.
According to the Brookings Institution, Prime Minister Abe's decision to commit
Japan to joining the TPP should be understood as a necessary complement to his
efforts to stimulate the Japanese economy with monetary easing and the related
depreciation of the Yen. These efforts alone, without the type of economic
reform the TPP will lead to, are unlikely to produce long-term improvements in
Japan's growth prospects.
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